Monday, March 22, 2010

FEMALE SOLDIERS AND RAPE

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What does it tell us that female soldiers deployed overseas stop
drinking water after 7 p.m. to reduce the odds of being raped if they
have to use the bathroom at night? Or that a soldier who was assaulted
when she went out for a cigarette was afraid to report it for fear she
would be demoted — for having gone out without her weapon? Or that, as
Representative Jane Harman puts it, "a female soldier in Iraq is more
likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire."
The
fight over "Don't ask, don't tell" made headlines this winter as an
issue of justice and history and the social evolution of our military
institutions. We've heard much less about another set of hearings in the
House Armed Services Committee. Maybe that's because too many
commanders still don't ask, and too many victims still won't tell, about
the levels of violence endured by women in uniform. (See TIME's special report on the state of the American
woman.)
The Pentagon's latest figures show that
nearly 3,000 women were sexually assaulted in fiscal year 2008, up 9%
from the year before; among women serving in Iraq and Afghanistan, the
number rose 25%. When you look at the entire universe of female
veterans, close to a third say they were victims of rape or assault
while they were serving — twice the rate in the civilian population. (See the top 10 crime stories of 2009.)
The
problem is even worse than that. The Pentagon estimates that 80% to 90%
of sexual assaults go unreported, and it's no wonder. Anonymity is all
but impossible; a Government Accountability Office report concluded that
most victims stay silent because of "the belief that nothing would be
done; fear of ostracism, harassment, or ridicule; and concern that peers
would gossip." More than half feared they would be labeled
troublemakers. A civilian who is raped can get confidential, or
"privileged," advice from her doctors, lawyers, victim advocates; the
only privilege in the military applies to chaplains. A civilian who
knows her assailant has a much better chance of avoiding him than does a
soldier at a remote base, where filing charges can be a career killer —
not for the assailant but the victim. Women worry that they will be
removed from their units for their own "protection" and talk about not
wanting to undermine their missions or the cohesion of their units. And
then some just do the math: only 8% of cases that are investigated end
in prosecution, compared with 40% for civilians arrested for sex crimes.
Astonishingly, about 80% of those convicted are honorably
discharged nonetheless.
The sense of betrayal runs deep in
victims who joined the military to be part of a loyal team pursuing a
larger cause; experts liken the trauma to incest and the particular
damage done when assault is inflicted by a member of the military
"family." Women are often denied claims for posttraumatic stress caused
by the assault if they did not bring charges at the time. There are not
nearly enough mental-health professionals in the system to help them.
Female vets are four times more likely to be homeless than male vets
are, according to the Service Women's Action Network, and of those, 40%
report being victims of sexual assault. (See pictures of an Army town coping with PTSD.)
Experts
offer many theories for the causes: that military culture is
intrinsically violent and hypermasculine, that the military is slow to
identify potential risks among raw young recruits, that too many
commanders would rather look the other way than acknowledge a breakdown
in their units, that it has simply not been made a high enough priority.
"A lot of my male colleagues believe that the only thing a general
needs to worry about is whether he can win a war," says Congresswoman
Loretta Sanchez of the Armed Services Committee. "People are not taking
this seriously. Commanding officers in the field are not understanding
how important this is."
But there are some signs that both
Congress and the Pentagon are getting serious about this problem. It is
now possible for victims to seek medical treatment without having to
report the crime to police or their chain of command. More field
hospitals have trained nurse practitioners to treat the victims; more
bases have rape kits. "More than ever," Sanchez says, "I believe that
our leadership at the very top is beginning to realize that they need to
be proactive."
According to a report by the Defense Task Force
on Sexual Assault in the Military Services, the progress made so far
remains "evident, but uneven." The failure to provide a basic guarantee
of safety to women, who now represent 15% of the armed forces, is not
just a moral issue, or a morale issue. What does it say if the military
can't or won't protect the people we ask to protect us?


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